SPD
Although the SPD was part of four of the last five German governments, the party is currently undergoing one of its most difficult and disruptive periods after World War II. The two Grand Coalitions (2005-2009 and 2013-2017) resulted in heavy electoral losses that led to the party’s worst result since 1949. On the one hand, the party aims to obtain a clear left-wing position and to “correct the Agenda 2010” that SPD chancellor Schröder implemented in the early 2000s. On the other hand, this process is undermined by the difficult and increasingly fragmented German political landscape as the party is pressured to step in if other government formations fail. As the party lost a high proportion of voters to such ideologically diverse parties as Die Linke, Greens, FDP and AfD, it will be almost impossible to win back all these voters for the next election.
Although the SPD implemented some of their key policies such as introducing a minimum wage, the party is unable to take the credit for it, partially because party has been a junior partner in the last two Grand Coalitions. Weeks before the election, the party pulled off a coup, by introducing same-sex marriage against the will of coalitions partner CDU/CSU. Voters did not reward them, although a huge majority of the population was in favour of this policy. Polls suggest that the party and its personnel enjoy positive public evaluations, but it seems that many SPD sympathisers did not vote for the party to prevent another Grand Coalition. However, the short peak in Spring 2017, where the party polled above 30 % after Schulz announced his candidacy, surely showed that the SPD still holds potential for electoral success.
SPD candidate Martin Schulz managed a solid campaign and is reasonably popular among the electorate, but did not stand a chance against Chancellor Angela Merkel. Although Merkel’s chancellorship resulted in growing polarisation, reflected in the AfD’s successes, she is far more popular than Schulz. Due to her efforts to help refugees and the introduction of rather left-wing policies such as a minimum wage, Merkel is also positively evaluated by centre-left voters, which are the Social Democrat’s electoral core. This situation could change in the near future, since it is expected that Merkel will resign in the following years and her succession is currently completely open.
Whereas the SPD has a strong overlap with the Greens’ policy propositions, the party is somehow far away from Die Linke, especially on the post-materialist dimension. The incompatibility of the positions of SPD and Die Linke is also demonstrated by Die Linke’s strong anti-militarism that includes propositions such as cancelling all military missions and Germany’s NATO membership stances which are not supported by the SPD. Such disagreements over key issues are the reasons why currently, a “Red-Red-Green” coalition (SPD, Greens and Linke) is an unrealistic option, which would have had a majority of seats from 2005 to 2009. The Greens seem like the most natural partner for the Social Democrats, but under the impression of growing fragmentation in the German party system, it seems unlikely that two-party-coalitions besides a Grand Coalition will become a feasible option for the time being. Such a “Red-Red-Green” coalition would only become a realistic option if all three parties move towards each other, although such a coalition would currently not hold a majority of the seats.
Greens
The Green’s campaign was spearheaded by two candidates from the pragmatic “Realo”-wing, Katrin Göring-Eckardt and Cem Özdemir. The party members’ decision to select these candidates was seen as an early sign for an upcoming Jamaica-coalition with CDU/CSU and FDP, but also the reaction towards a rather unsuccessful leftist campaign in 2013. However, the negotiations for such a coalition were cancelled by the Liberals. By looking at the positions in the political landscape of all three parties, the enormous ideological gap between the Greens on the one hand, and FDP and CDU/CSU on the other hand become visible on both dimensions.
The Greens are probably facing the biggest strategic dilemma of all parties. Although the party was not too upset about the 2017 result, since it polled worse weeks before the election, such a result does not get them anywhere. The left “Fundi”-wing of the party wants a stronger emphasis on their left-libertarian positions which puts them close Die Linke and SPD, eventually pursing a coalition with the latter. Although most members of the Greens would probably support this course, the SPD is simply too weak for such an endeavour.
The pragmatic “Realo”-wing is favouring a move to the centre that would make the party more attractive to centrist voters. Such a re-positioning would increase the chance of future collaborations with FDP and CDU/CSU. This course has powerful internal supporters such as Winfried Kretschmann, prime minister of Baden-Württemberg (governing with the CDU) and Robert Habeck, vice prime minister of the Jamaica-coalition in Schleswig-Holstein who has just announced his candidacy for the green party chair. However, that would include a rather drastic ideological shift that could provoke new internal struggles between the two wings. Finally, it is interesting to note that the Greens, in contrast to almost every other party, did not lose voters to the AfD.
Linke
Die Linke’s profile is influenced by clear and strong left-libertarian positions. Not only does the party have the clearest leftist profile, it is also the most libertarian one in the German political landscape. Die Linke is strongly opposed to any military commitments and spending, focuses on the fight against climate change and puts an emphasis on multiculturalism.
However, as clear as these positions appear, the party is internally split. On the one hand, the party is still divided between a more pragmatic wing and a more radical leftist wing. This can be traced back to the foundation of the party in 2007. Die Linke was the result of a merger of the East-German PDS, more pragmatic and with governmental experience, and the more radical WASG, a left-wing flash party that was founded two years earlier as a reaction to the SPD’s labour market reforms. The pragmatics (mostly East-German branches) are pushing the party towards more centrist positions to make a coalition with SPD and Greens possible. Such a coalition is already in place in Berlin and Thuringia at the state level. That process is complexified since former SPD-members like Oskar Lafontaine are not supportive of an ideological move towards the SPD.
The second intra-party division stems from the observation that the AfD’s success is also connected to a significant vote transfer from Die Linke to AfD. While looking at the political landscape it may seem odd that left-libertarian voters are switching to a clearly right-wing conservative party. However, those voters fear that the intake of refugees will lead to cuts in social benefits for the natives. Chairman Sahra Wagenknecht is part of the internal faction that wants to address those voter groups, which has already provoked heavy internal fights with the left-libertarian part of the party. Since the positions of both wings are almost incompatible and compromises are hard to imagine, it is possible that this internal struggle will result in the departure or even separation of the defeated wing.