One step forwards, two steps back? Gender justice in German foreign policy

On taking over as foreign minister Johann Wadephul established a new triad: security, freedom, prosperity. In contrast to the feminist foreign policy of his predecessor, Annalena Baerbock, he thus ushered in a »reality-oriented policy« for the new German government. But a feminist foreign policy, with gender justice at its core, far from contradicting this new accord, on the contrary is fundamental to it.

The literature is unambiguous: gender justice can be seen as the strongest indicator of a country’s peaceableness, both internally and externally. Peace treaties are more stable and sustainable. Countries with more gender justice are less likely to go to war and their economies develop more robustly. Instead of a contradiction between »crisis management« and »feminist policy« a truly results-oriented foreign policy needs to start right here. In the coalition agreement the government committed itself to continuing at least with Agenda 1325 »Women, Peace and Security«. So what does the demise of the feminist foreign policy mean for gender justice in German foreign policy? This is explored in a new publication »One step forwards, two steps back? Gender justice in German foreign policy after the abandonment of the feminist guidelines«.

Ambitious vision but patchy implementation

In 2023 the Foreign Office launched ambitious guidelines for a feminist foreign policy, which were intersectional and applicable to all policy areas. Implementation fell somewhat short of expectations, however. Structural weaknesses hampered their sustainable implementation across the board. The glaring contradictions between feminist principles and actual German foreign policy have had serious political consequences, especially with regard to Gaza.

Notwithstanding their weaknesses, contradictions and criticisms, the retreat from the feminist foreign policy was a setback for gender justice in German foreign policy. Progress had been made despite everything, even though mainly at the operational and institutional level, particularly with regard to the internal organisation of the Foreign Office, flagship projects and key instruments of feminist programme work, as well as the strengthening of multilateral platforms.

What remains – and what has been lost

Although certain things could be dialled back to a pre-feminist foreign policy starting point without much difficulty, other structural elements have proved more intractable. Newly acquired knowledge and discourse dynamics, the expansion of gender parity and diversity within the ministry cannot be reversed that easily. Similarly, international expectations, not to mention obligations remain in place and offer starting points at which to reinforce gender justice in German foreign policy. This is despite the fact that the room for manoeuvre seems to have diminished because of a lack of political prioritisation and a trend towards militarisation.

Taking advantage of opportunities instead of giving up

What kind of starting points can be fashioned, where can red lines be maintained and how can intersectional feminist work be continued in academia and civil society?

Specific recommendations:

• Gather systematic evidence: A results-based orientation is not possible without keeping track of what has been achieved. There must be a systematic evaluation of successful feminist foreign policy instruments at the outset.

• Maintain – and fund – what is tried and tested: Effective instruments, programmes and measures should be continued, regardless of ideological considerations. For example, gender budgeting, which is already standard practice across the OECD, should be maintained, especially in periods of budget cuts.

• Apply gender expertise: Expertise accumulated in the Foreign Office, civil society knowledge and academic research should be incorporated systematically into policymaking, including the new National Security Council.

• Comply with international obligations: Germany must proactively back gender justice in the EU and the UN, especially as a counterweight to states and actors seeking to undermine established rights and norms. Informal expectations, not to mention legal obligations, are binding.

• Keep feminist discourse open: The Bundestag and experts should continue to provide both gender-equitable and feminist impulses, not least in light of the 25th anniversary of the WPS, the threat of curtailing discourse and anti-feminist pushbacks.

The paradox of »Realpolitik«

Germany can walk the gender justice walk without talking the feminist foreign policy talk. Nevertheless, its demonstrative retreat from this approach does send a worrying signal. In the face of multiple crises we need a foreign policy that does not shy away from complexity, aims at sustainable solutions and reinforces the capabilities of resilient actors. That’s what feminist foreign policy and genuine Realpolitik look like. And it is still not too late.