Internationale
Politik und Gesellschaft Online International Politics and Society 2/2002 |
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Worldwide even the most powerful states are losing control of events. To retain it, they need to advance towards a rules-based international order. This requires well-functioning states throughout the world and makes state-building a top priority task. Of the two main protagonists of world order construction the US has to overcome its unilateralist inclinations, whereas the EU has to develop its policy and strategy capabilities - and stand up to America if needed. |
The attacks of Sept.11 have widely – and rightly - been interpreted as attacks on the present international order. The targets clearly were selected in part because of their symbolic importance: the World Trade Center as the epitomy of America´s economic supremacy, the Pentagon as the brain of America´s global military reach. Yet this was not only an attack on America: the terrorist acts also aimed at the United States as the flag bearer of the Western world and its core values and as the dominant power of the present international order. However warped the ideas and objectives for an alternative order al Qaeda was pursuing, its acts were meant to mount a challenge to the very principles and norms underlying the present international order, as well as America´s pivotal position in it.
Although the terrorist attacks were
broadly condemned and abhorred, there also was a widespread reaction of
“schadenfreude”, a sense that “America had asked for this”, particularly
in the Islamic world.[1] This lack of
legitimacy reflects the realities of
misery and violence in many parts of the South: the number of casualties
claimed by the terrorist attacks would hardly register in the abject statistics
of violence in places like Sudan, Afghanistan (before Oct.7), or Central
and West Africa. In short, al
Quaeda´s attacks not only were motivated by a different view of international
order (however twisted it may seem to us), but this view found considerable
resonance worldwide, at least ex negativo – i.e., in its rejection
of the prevailing Western views of international
order.
In its response to “terrorism with
a global reach”, the United States launched a war against al Qaeda and
its backers, the Taliban regime, in Afghanistan. But Washington also assembled a broad coalition of governments and initiated
a wide range of co-operative international initiatives. The attacks therefore
have not only shaken international order and bared its limited legitimacy,
but they also have stimulated new efforts to consolidate, enhance and
reform this present international order. Thus, the terrorist attacks have
thrown wide open the future shape of international order: they could lead
to a serious degradation, a return to pervasive low-level violence even
within rich countries[2],
with the situation in Israel and Palestine as a glimpse of our own future,
or it could trigger new efforts at enhancing international order around
the core values of non-violent resolution of conflict, social justice
and political inclusion.[3]
Who and what threatens international order? What are the sources of violence
in international society? Briefly, the answer includes both highly motivated
actors – individuals and groups willing to use force to
promote their own political agenda – and enabling circumstances
– which create widespread support for the use of force and thus provide
openings for violence. Since any serious threat to international order
will need to mobilise force on a huge scale, it will involve both highly
skilled and determined actors and pervasive enabling circumstances. From
the perspective of international order, the threat thus is both “enemies”
and “entropy”.
An “enemy” of international order would be any actor who a) wants to
promote different and incompatible notions of international order, and
b) is willing and capable of seriously threatening our own conceptions
and their realisation. The challenge
of “enemies” at its core is ideological – it puts into question central
norms and principles of the prevailing view of international order. Since
the demise of the Soviet Union, there has been no other plausible enemy
in this traditional sense any more except for Islamic fundamentalism,
though some argue that China eventually could become such an enemy.
We were used to seek “enemies” only
in other states. This is a notion rooted in the historical reality of
state power: states traditionally are by far the most important repositories
of power, because they are better able to mobilise, motivate and co-ordinate
individuals to exert themselves, even to sacrifice their lives, than any
other entity (with the possible exception of religion). States also can
form alliances with other states and non-state actors (including religious
movements) to enhance their power. But as the attacks of September 11
have shown, non-state actors may now be able to project destructive power
on a scale comparable to that which traditionally has been confined to
states. Enemies no longer need be states, although non-state actors may
need some attributes of statehood (such as territory where they
may train, prepare and take sancturary, or diplomatic passports). But
only states are likely to be able to mobilise power sufficient to build
(rather than destroy) order. In the long run, traditional great power
conflicts over international order could therefore revive, with China
as the most plausible challenger of the West. Yet this is still far off,
and on balance seems rather unlikely, as successful mobilisiation of power
on a large scale ultimately will depend on integration into the networks
of a globalising world economy and society.
The real problem of today´s world, therefore, may well be “entropy”,
rather than “enemies” – structural weaknesses in the system of governance
in international relations both at the level of the state and of the international
system. One consequence are turbulences, such as the volatility of international
financial markets and private capital flows. Nobody intended to destroy
the economy and the state of the largest Muslim society in the world,
Indonesia, but the Asia crisis of 1997, which still reverberates, came
pretty close to doing so. (This is not to deny the responsibility of the
ancien regime, but this regime and its greed were indulged not only by
its own people, but also by the “international community”). Nobody wanted
to have a synchronised cycle of boom and bust in major economies, and
nobody wanted a decade-long depression in Japan, which continues to endanger
the health of the world economy. Yet all those things happened: proof
of the profound vulnerabilities created by processes of globalisation.
Those processes are, in any case, highly
ambivalent and destabilising. They promote growth but also inequality,
they offer solutions to problems of poverty and destruction but also accentuate
differences between those within and those outside the networks of globalisation,
they are highly demanding in terms of individual adjustment and therefore produce frustration as well as achievement,
and they corrode traditional social structures and therefore create a
void which can be filled easily by ideologies and violence. Globalisation
thus may not be the cause of “terrorism with global reach” in a strict
sense, but it provides a conducive environment.
Secondly, with rapidly rising levels
of education and accelerating social mobility and communications, the
number of individuals with the necessary skills and knowledge for sophistciated
terrorist attacks has grown, and the size of a group needed to realise
acts such as the attacks of New York and Washington has declined. As a
consequence of technological innovation, small groups or even individuals
now have at their disposal unparalleled means of massive destruction.
World power has thus shifted, relatively speaking, away from the state
towards societal actors and even individuals. In the process, power has
dissipated, and the differential between constructive and destructive
uses of power has grown: while it has become easier to wield destructive
force, it has become more difficult to exercise control over events.
Third, globalisation also creates conditions
favourable to “enemies” in their efforts to undermine this international
order. “Networked” economies and societies provide the channels to prepare
and implement large-scale attacks across huge distances, or even without
regard to distance at all. They are also very vulnerable to disruptions,
and reliance on advanced technologies to contain such vulnerabilities
often creates new vulnerabilities (a classical case being nuclear energy,
a means to reduce dependence on oil imports but also a source of new vulnerabilities
related to nuclear accidents and waste management problems).
A fourth important (but often neglected)
problem of globalisation is its lack of normative appeal. Globalisation
emphasises scientific and economic rationality and tolerance, which easily
can be confused with neglect of the spiritual. This makes it difficult
to articulate globalisation as an attractive vision, a persuasive ideology
for those looking beyond the material promise of science and technology.
Fifth and last, globalisation also
affects the most important vehicle for dealing with pressures of globalisation,
the state. Although it is a myth that the survival of the modern nation-state
itself is threatened by globalisation, challenges to its autonomy and
actual operations are pervasive.[4]
The state can no longer autonomously fulfil what it is expected to deliver
by its citizens; it needs the help of others. Moreover, globalisation
confronts states with new demands at a time when many have not even come
close to consolidating modern nation-state institutions. [5]
The result of all this has been state
deficiency and state failure; this, in turn, has become one of the main
sources of disorder in world politics. As a consequence, the supply of
international governance (defined here as politics which promote international
order) has fallen behind demand, and continues to do so. It is easy to
see why this has been the case: after the end of the Cold War and its
massive mobilisation efforts against the external enemy, Western societies
have seen little reason to support comparable efforts against the new
challenges, and their governments often have, for similar reasons, not
done enough to promote international co-operation and integration between
them. The result has been political entropy,
in the form of violent conflict stemming from aggression and/or
frustration through deprivation.
Entropy therefore, on balance, seems the more serious threat to international
order. It is entropy which enables al Qaeda (and others which may be following
in its tracks) to mount such a horrendous challenge to international order,
and it is, in the last analysis, a reduction and reversal of trends towards
entropy which may allow to contain and control the threats posed by transnational
violence. Not by chance, the challenge aims at the state – or, more specifically,
the political regimes in the Islamic world which al Qaeda would like to
overthrow, the United States and Western states which are seen as the
pillars supporting existing state arrangements in the Islamic world and
thus need to be defeated; and the state as a secular modern concept which
is seen as incompatible with Islam. The response to those challenges will
therefore have to come from the state – the state, in general, but specifically
governments around the world which need to act to contain the threats.
This will not be easy. At the core
of the supply/demand gap in international
governance caused by globalisation, and hence of the precariousness and
fragility of international order, lies an overburdened state. Effective
international governance requires functioning states as a necessary (though
not a sufficient) condition; in reality, however, states often seem overburdened
and overstretched even in the successful “first world” and deeply deficient,
if not completely defunct, in much of the world beyond. Only functioning
states can provide the building blocks for a vibrant international order; yet there are preciously
few strong states around.
Yet what exactly is this “international order”, and what has come under
attack on Sept. 11? We first need to recognise that, while “international
order” is not a Western concept, its present shape and prevailing notions
about international order are Western in a rather deep sense: at
present, international order and the debate about it is the product of
what the historian William H.McNeill has called “The Rise of the West”[6] – the ascendance
of the European world through
the dynamics orf modernisation, of which globalisation represents but
the most recent and most advanced stage.
Western notions of international order,
however, are ambivalent. The present international order, as expressed,
e.g., in the Charter of the United Nations, is built around several core
norms: the norms of non-violent conflict resolution, of states rights
(soevereignty) and of human rights. The latter two clearly are in tension
with each other, and the UN Charter is profoundly ambivalent as to whose
international order it establishes – is it an order of and for states,
or of and for indivudals? This tension is further accentuated by the fact
that states are both indispensable sources of protection and massive violation
of human rights. How then, should “international order” be conceived in
the struggle against terrorism with global reach? Does “international
order” concern only states, or ultimately all human beings? And is international
order a static or a dynamic concept? Does it discourage or promote change?
Traditionally, concepts of international order have settled on states
as their constituency, and have accepted war as an evil to be exorcised
or at least tamed. Consequently, one wide-spread notion of “international
order” equates order with international stability, that is, stable, predictable
and controlled relations between states, in which turbulence, chaos and
violence are largely (though not necessarily completely) absent.[7]
This notion of order focuses on interstate relations, and more specifically
on relations between the major powers.
By and large, international order over
the last half century has been successfully secured in the sense of this
definition. A major conflagration between the powers was avoided, and
generally the incidence of interstate war has been declining.[8]
States indeed have been the principal beneficiaries of this order, as
suggested by the fact that their number has increased very substantially
since 1945.
Yet even before Sept 11, it was already
clear that this rather narrow definition of international order was no
longer very useful, for several reasons:
In sum, a notion of international order which abstracts from conditions
within states and interdependencies between societies no longer is meaningful.
What is needed is a concept which covers both intra- and interstate relations,
both state and society. This has increasingly been recognised by the international
community itself, as indicated by the shift in international law and international
practice towards “humanitarian intervention”.[10]
A second definition of “international order”
tends to equate it with the prevailing international status quo.
This definition is both broader and more narrow than the previous one.
It is broader because it includes domestic political arrangements within
states, at least to the extent they are important for sustaining existing
arrangements of international governance. But it is more narrow because
it is more resistant to change than the first definition, which does allow
for changes in international governance, as long as the system´s essential
structure remains intact.
Yet this definition, too, has obvious
flaws. Although the West in general, and the United States in particular,
have been dominant in and beneficiaries of the present international order,
they are only in part upholders of the status quo. In at least two important
respects, America, in particular, is an anti-status quo power.[11]
First, American foreign policy is profoundly value-oriented: the promotion
of democracy and human rights, for example, has had – with all necessary
discounts due to political pragmatism and business acumen – significant
and important implications for US foreign policy, which sometimes have
worked against the political status quo. The demise of the Soviet empire,
the Iranian revolution or the political changes in the Philippines from
President Ferdinand Marcos to Corazon Aquino and in Indonesia (the resignation
of President Suharto) illustrate this point.
Secondly, America constantly challenges
the status quo through its espousal of capitalist market economics. As
a form of economic organisation, capitalism is highly dynamic, highly
creative and highly destructive.
America has long been the lead power in global capitalism and its most
powerful proponent. America, and the West in general, therefore will not
only try to uphold but also undermine the status quo, and they will do
so in part in search of a better world.
The Western concept of international order therefore needs to be open
to change, and it needs to integrate domestic affairs, democratic politics,
the vulnerabilities of interdependence and the realities of globalisation.
The definition which satisfies that perspective is one which equates order
with rules-based international relations – specifically, the rules which
inform our own political and economic systems. Within those systems and
between them, the problem of violence has by and large been successfully
contained: the West enjoys the “democratic peace” of Immanuel Kant in
political relations within states, but also between them. The norms of
democracy and capitalist market economics may therefore also be
taken as a prescription for how to contain violence within and between
other, non-Western societies – how to “civilise” conflict management,
in the sense of Norbert Elias, through self-restraint and the establishment
of effective monopolies of force. Elias´ model, which originally aimed
at explaining the progress of “civilised” politics within states, can
also be transposed onto other political contexts above the nation-state,
regionally (e.g., in the European Union) and, through processes of gradual
“enlargement”, even globally. The model is neatly summarized in six major
objectives which Dieter Senghaas calls the “civilisational hexagon”. Those
six objectives are interdependent; taken together, they describe a complex
programme for enhancing international order. The six objectives are:
Constrain and eventually monopolise the use
of force
Develop a non-violent culture of conflict
management
Develop the rule of law
Build institutions
Provide for participation in decision-making
by those affected by the decisions
Provide for social equity and a sense of
fairness
To summarize: the Western concept of international order prescribes a
process of controlled, peaceful and evolutionary change towards a more
civilised world in the sense of the civilisational hexagon. “Change” makes
clear that this concept transcends the status quo, both domestically and
internationally; “evolutionary” recognises that the realisation of this
utopian project can only be done step by step; “peaceful” emphasises constraints
on the use of force in this process; and “controlled” suggests that, as
change ought to go in certain directions, it needs to be politically controlled
– we are therefore taking about a process in which politics is in charge.
In this concept of world order, states
are pivotal: they constitute the foundations on which international order
rests through ensuring rules-based behaviour and non-violent conflict
management within their domain and between them. Together, they shape
the evolving rules and institutions of international order by providing
for the negotiation, legitimation and implementation of international
agreements; and they provide the critical building blocks of international
order through their support for such arrangements by supplying the political,
financial and human resources and the political will needed to make those
arrangements and their institutions effective.
But if the state is pivotal to international
order, it also continues to be its nemesis. For the state to be able to
play its crucial role constructively, it will need to conform to standards
of a just order set by the civilisational hexagon. From this pespective,
the task of ordering international relations concerns not just inter-state
and transnational relations, but also intra-state relations; it thus implies
the perspective of convergence and eventual fusion of principles of domestic
and international order. As globalisation implies a rapid (if uneven)
thickening of economic, social, political and cultural interdependencies
between states and societies, such convergence should be seen as its natural
political corollary. Turned around, this argumant also points to an alternative
conclusion, namely the possible degradation of domestic order through
corrosive influences of international
anarchy. If efforts to overcome the tendencies towards entropy in international
relations fail, the likely result will be the intrusion of transnational
violence into the ordered realms of Western democracies. The ultimate
consequence of deficient global
governance thus probably would be the erosion of order and the advance
of violence within states.
Securing and enhancing international order in the sense outlined above
can only be done through patient building of structures; it is architecture,
not repair work, and its focus will have to be on the state (including
its co-operation with other states). The task certainly is huge, but there
are at least two good reasons for assuming that it can be done. First,
the Western notion of international order enjoys broad-based support throughout
the world: demands for democracy and human rights have strong resonance
everywhere, and they have led to revolutionary political changes in many
parts of the world during the 1970s and 1980s.[12]
Second, the Western model so far has been the only one which could deliver
success in terms of growth, rising standards of living and quality of
human development.[13]
How could international order best be promoted? Appropriate strategies
will have to consider the threat of “enemies” as well as of “entropy”,
and they will have to recognise the indivisibility of political order
while accepting that, in practice, there will have to be priorities set
and choices made. Although the focus needs to be on strategies to close
the gaps and roll back the deficiencies of the present international order,
in practice this will often have to be done reactively, through crisis
management.
It will probably be easier to deal
with “enemies”. To the extent that they share or at least accept parts
of the Western agenda, they should be drawn into negotiations, and thus
hopefully eventually turned into partners. Regional and international
co-operation and integration may be particularly helpful in this regard.
If “enemies” are fundamentally opposed to international order in the sense
defined here, however, then they will need to be contained and coerced.
This will also have to involve international co-operation, most obviously
through international co-operation in intelligence gathering, police work
and law enforcement, but beyond that also
in the form of collective defence or collective security arrangements.
Strong, legitimate states will be essential to make this co-operation
effective.
“Entropy” will be much more difficult
to contain. As we have argued, entropy in international reflects a global
demand/supply gap in governance. It is thus rooted on the one hand in
the proliferation of social conflict as a natural consequence of the growing
complexity and interdependence of societies and a willingness by some
participants to resort to violence (the demand side of the global governance
equation), and the institutional deficiencies in arrangements of global
governance to address both the causes and the manifestations of violent
protest (the supply side). To deal with entropy or, in other words, to
remove conditions which facilitate the widespread use of violence to secure
advantages and express grievances, is a herculean political undertaking
requiring clear priorities. Some of those priorities today
are
the promotion of a political settlement of
the Israeli-Palestinian conflict through outside involvement,
efforts to find a political solution to the
Kashmir conflict between India and Pakistan,
To do so, the West will have to
work at the many instances where it does
not practice what it preaches. The accusation of “double standards” probably is the most condemning threat
to international suppport for the Western concept of world order,
and the West must try to reduce this lack of credibility. A blatant
recent example was the insistence of the West on full respect for
commercial intellectual property rights in drugs (including drugs
for treatment of AIDs in Africa) at a time when the US government
was pulling all stops to pressurise pharmaceutical corporations into
lowering the prices for their anthrax- treatment antibiotics;
engage the the “rest” in dialogue about the
principles and norms of international order. Ultimately, Western concepts
of international order can only be sustained if they are persuasive
to non-Westerners, that is if they become universal. For that, the
power of ideas, rather than the power of military force, will be decisive
in the end.
Even this list of priorities adds up to a formidable agenda. And policy
conceptualisation is only one part of the strategic equation. The other
part is policy implementation. Here, the spotlight once more
focuses on the state. In fact, both fighting enemies of international
order and containing entropy will need to be done by the state – or, more
precisely, by governments in close co-operation with each other. Yet even
in the (post-modern) “First World” states are rarely well-prepared and
well-equipped for those huge tasks of implementation; their focus tends
to be on domestic problems, rather than on issues of world order. In the
(modern) “Second” and in the (pre-modern) “Third World”,[14]
state institutions are often profoundly
underdeveloped or flawed and need to be empowered, often with the
help of other states and international institutions. Among strategies
for international order, state building will therefore have to loom large.
In sum, this is a time for world order
politics. The policies to promote international order will be demanding,
not least in terms of the polities needed to sustain them. The reconstitution
of the state in line with the demands of an age of globalisation will
therefore need to become a key policy objective. In the (First and the
Second World, the state will have to be adapted to the new demands of
globalisation and entropy; in the Third World, the state will often have
to be fundamentally (re-) built; and worldwide, state functions will have
do be reconfigured at the supranational level through international cooperation
and integration. The domestic dimensions of international order will require
strong, versatile and democratic states; its international dimension will
demand a new quality of interstate and transnational co-operation and
co-ordination, often involving de-facto transfers of national sovereignty.
States will have to be able to do both – maintain domestic order
and legitimacy, and carry their weight in international co-operation.
In their international fight against enemies and entropy, what instruments
do states have at their disposal? Traditionally, the most powerful instrument
of the state has been military force. Clearly, military power will have
an important role to play. But it needs to be wielded with caution and
restraint, in full awareness of its tendencies to develop a momentum and
a logic of its own. For military power basically is destructive; in order
to turn it into an element of order, it will have to be wedded to political
arrangements to enforce authoritative, non-violent
management of conflict. Tellingly, many of the international interventions
of the 1990s – such as in Bosnia, Kosovo, East Timor and now Afghanistan
– have been followed by efforts at state-building through the international
community, in which the military has taken a prominent role.
Under present and foreseeable future
circumstances, the use of military force will, in its logic, often resemble
police enforcement action in domestic affairs. The emphasis will be on
enforcement of international norms, rather than on redressing power imbalances,
and it will have to be based on a broadly shared sense of legitimacy -
as can be seen by the importance attached to mandates by the UN Security
Council throughout the 1990s in all major interventions (the exception
of the Kosovo war so far confirms, rather than negates, that rule).
To contribute effectively to international
order, military force will thus have to be embedded in a comprehensive
strategy to restructure “security systems”. This will involve the welding
together of institutions and force under old and new political arrangements,
both within states and between. For such an approach to be effective,
force will have to be supplemented by material incentives and disincentives.
“Smart sanctions” and the capacity to identify and reward those local
forces willing to support non-violent, institutionalised forms of conflict
management will therefore also assume an important role as policy tools
in the service of world order politics.
Where the deficiencies in our inventory
of policy instruments are most glaring is in the realm of state building.
There, we are not even sure of our conceptual groundings, let alone of
the resources to do the job effectively. Much of the task in practice
has been assumed by the military in international post-cobflict peace-building
missions, and the international community has been learning by doing.
But state-building by the international
community is but one example for the need for broad-based political co-operation.
Much of this co-operation will be ad hoc, and often this will be sufficient.
In many areas, however, there will be a need to institutionalise co-operation,
and to empower international organisations. This new era in international
relations may perhaps not require a wave of institution-building, but
it certainly does need more efforts to make existing international institutions
and arrangements more efficient, more effective, and more authoritative.
This can only be done by member states, which all too often prefer
to hand difficult tasks to international institutions, deny them
the means and efforts they need to succeed, and then blame them for the
ensuing policy debacles.
Who could be the promoters, the principal agents for a more civilised
international order? . There are really only two who candidates for this
role, the United States and the European Union. Ideally, the should work
in tandem as the core of an international community for world order.
There will be others ready to join this community, such as Canada and
Australia. Yet most of the burden will have to be carried by those two.
Japan, the third industrial power, not
only has been severely weakened by its prolonged economic and political
crisis, but its energies will probably largely be absorbed by the rise
of China in East Asia. More fundamentally, it is not clear whether Japan
really shares Western values sufficiently to participate effectively in
this community. Russia and China are in the throes of a difficult transition
towards post-modern economies and state structures. This transition can
be expected to last quite some time, and to be politically turbulent.
Russia’s and China’s participation in international order, desirable and
important as it may be, will therefore for some time be selective and
uncertain. Still, their constructive involvement needs to be carefully
nurtured. If and when Russia and China manage to consolidate pluralist
political systems and to contribute to regional and global order, the
task of overcoming the challenge of entropy would be enormously facilitated;
if and as long as either of them fails, however, that task could become
all the more difficult. It will therefore be critically important for
the rest of the world to support and channel China´s and Russia’s efforts,
and to avoid anything which could turn them into enemies of the West.
To have America and Europe co-operate
in reconstruction the international order should be easy in principle.
The conception of international order outlined above is broadly shared
by both, and the two also by and large hold compatible views on strategies
and instruments. There is one major stumbling block, however - differences
in their foreign policy role concepts.
For the United States, that role concept
contains strong doses of unilateralism and an inclination to seek solutions
through military force. It is not clear, in other words, whether America is willing not only to organise
international order, but also truly to become a part of it. For the European
Union, a strong commitment to multilateralism and international institutions in principle is
marred by lack of cohesion and an inclination by member states in practice
to put other, national considerations first. Moreover, the EU still has
not developed the capacity to systematically apply its – considerable
– economic and political power.
Those differences in the respective
role concepts of America and Europe have implications for their respective
views about appropriate strategies and tactics, and in particular about
the right mix of military and
non-military means, and of preventive
policies and crisis management. There thus exists considerable scope for
disagreement between America and Europe. A new European-American alliance
for world order will thus not only require, on both sides of the Atlantic,
the ability to agree on a common vision, a clear shift of political priorities
away from domestic preoccupations, and the political will to mobilise
the required resources, but also – and perhaps most importantly – changes
in role concepts on both sides of the Atlantic which would enable he two
to co-operate effectively. With America, the key issue will be the way
in which the United States will define its future role in the world. Will
America chose to be both architect and resident of a new international
order? Will it accept to leave the remnants of splendid isolation behind,
and be constrained by the new order? With the European Union, the key
issue will be capability. The role concept of the European Union is largely
consonant with a civilised international order, except for a much-needed
dose of realism, and the EU also offers an attractive model of a civilised
regional order. But the EU’s cohesion and capabilities are deficient.
Let me draw four conclusions from this brief discussion of the future of international order. First, the present confrontation with international terrorism, as well as the larger task of creating a viable international order, are ultimately importantly ideological in nature. Under today’s conditions, political order ultimately depends on voluntary support, hence on its appeal and persuasive power. Western notions of international order are value-laden – they turn around the principles of economic openness, respect for human rights and international law, and they extrapolate the vision of democratic governance within the state onto interstate relations and thus implicitly promote a view of politics as a continuum. “Enemies” will base their challenge on fundamentally different concepts of political order; their views will have to be changed or defeated. “Entropy” will require the mobilisation of societies for the purposes of order, both nationally and internationally. Since the state of the state has become precarious as the power of individuals has increased, it will need to persuade people to make voluntary sacrifices. One way to secure such sacrifices traditionally has be nationalism, the prime ideational mover of the modern era. Nationalism still is a very potent force in many parts of the world, but historically it is probably already in retreat. On reason may be that nationalism is becoming dysfunctional: it tends to complicate international co-operation, which will be critical in efforts to enhance international order. [15] What is needed, therefore, are new ideas, visions and justifications for statehood and the state.
Second, enhancing international order
will require the reconstructing and reconfiguring of statehood in international
relations. In the world of industrialised democracies, this means overhauling
the state to make it stronger (which does not mean less firmly democratically
controlled and inspired!), less overburdened, less entangled with society,
more of a pilot than an engineer – in short, more in tune with the requirements
of globalisation. Beyond that first world, the challenge will be to fully
realise a modern nation state in the first place: to that end, state defects
will need to be overcome, failed states or quasi-states will need to be
(re-) built. This will often be possible only with external support, ranging
from IMF conditional loans to full-scale protectorates by the international
community. State building in areas where statehood has failed, has been
perverted or has never really existed will remain, probably increasingly,
an important task for the international efforts at reconstructing statehood.
A third conclusion is that international
co-operation and integration will need dramatic and qualitative advances,
in fact an “international reconfiguration of statehood”. What states traditionally
have done as sovereigns in their own realm will henceforth increasingly
have to be done at the regional and/or at the international level to ensure
results; state functions (and this is what I mean by statehood) will therefore
have to be disentangled from the traditional nation state, and reconfigured
through a mixture of inter-state co-operation, supranational integration
and public-private partnerships (“public policy networks”). This complex
reconstruction of statehood at the regional, functional and global level
will, in my view, emphatically NOT imply a move towards a world government
or even a European super-state, nor need it in any way threaten the nation
state´s formal position as the highest public authority in international
relations. What is at issue here is the operational autonomy of the state,
and this it has been losing for some time. In the future, state control
over events can be retained only through co-operation with others states
in a broad range of formats, ranging from ad-hoc co-operation via co-operation
in and through international institutions and international regimes to
institutions with a degree of supranational autonomy.
The fourth conclusion concerns the
relationship between America and Europe, which will make or break international
order. If basic compatibility of their respective role concepts is secured,
differences over strategy, over the appropriateness of instruments, etc.
could still arise, but they would
be manageable, even constructive in helping to refine and advance Western
approaches towards building a more civilised international order. If that
compatibility were not to exist, if America pursued multilateralism “à
la carte”, keeping its options open and its own policies above the constraints
imposed on others, and if its approaches tended towards military solutions
for political problems, while the European Union continued to lack cohesion
and the capacity to contribute strategically to international order, then
the fate of international order will stagnate or even slide back, and
the transatlantic community will be headed for trouble.
From a European perspective, alternative
approaches to an America unwilling to change its approach to international
order would include a “division of labour” approach, the “UK model”, the
“French model” or the “go it alone” approach.
The “division of labour” approach may work
for a while, but it is unlikely to be sustainable. Without an underlying
compatibility of role concepts, a division of labour approach between
America and Europe – be the division regional (with Europe ensuring
order in Europe and its vicinity, and America taking care of the Middle
East and Asia) or functional (with America in charge of military intervention
and Europe taking care of post-conflict
peace building) will probably not work (problems in today’s
world cannot be neatly compartmentalised), and could easily cause
resentment on both sides of
the Atlantic (because of a perceived lack of solidarity and issues
of burden-sharing).
The “UK approach” would consist of Europe
following the US lead irrespectively of any qualms about American
objectives and strategies. It is difficult to see, however, how the
European Union could accept such an abdication of influence. Nor would
this be desirable for America itself, as it would deprive US policies
of a useful external “reality check”.
The “French approach” would have the EU trying
to pursue different approaches but giving in if America refused to budge. This approach,
if freed from irritations
rooted in the specific ways in which France has tried to be difficult
within the Alliance, and supported by the weight of an enhanced European
Union, could well help to influence US policy debates, and thus play
a constructive role. Its precondition would, of course, be a cohesive
and capable EU.
Lastly, there will be the choice of “going
it alone”. The EU will, for the foreseeable future, be the only international
actor capable of standing up to the US – not least because of its
close ties and shared values with America. A constructive co-operation
towards enhancing international order may at times require Europe
to do just that: stand up to America, to make America stop think and
adapt its own course of action. To be constructive, this option will
have to be used selectively and sparingly, and within a context of
overall co-operation. It will also require, as the previous option,
a European Union fully capable of designing strategies and deploying
policy tools for enhancing international order.
If ands when a constructive European-American partnership materialises,
an international order in the sense of the Western vision would still
be a difficult to achieve, but nevertheless a realistic policy objective.
That partnership would still no doubt be asymmetrical in many ways, and
it would still need to proceed by division of labour, building on each
side’s particular strengths and weaknesses. Its management would still
no doubt be difficult at times,
and fraught with disagreements. But it would be united by a common sense
of power and purpose, and hence able to attract support beyond its own
realm.
[1] Cf. Naím, Moisés: Why the World Loves
to Hate America, in: Financial Times, Dec. 7, 2001
[2] This is the view of Martin van Creveld, expressed well before September
11. Cf. his The Transformation of War, Houndsmill: Macmillan 1991
[3] This view will be developed further
below. For an authoritative expression of belief in such an order,
see Kofi Annan´s speech on the occasion of presentation of the Nobel Peace Prize to the United Nations in November 2001: http://usinfo.state.gov/topical/pol/terror/01121004.htm
(accessed Dec.27, 2001)
[4] See, e.g., Held, David/McGrew, Anthony/Goldblatt,
David/Perraton, Jonathan: Global Transformations, Politics, Economics
and Culture, Stanford, Cal.: Stanford UP 1999, Ch.1
[5] Cf. Barber, Benjamin R.: Jihad and
McWorld, New York: Times Books 1995
[6] McNeill, William H.: The Rise of the
West, A History of the Human Community, Chicago: Chicago UP 1985
[7] The classical expression of this view
is by Hedley Bull, The Anarchical Society, A Study of Order in World
Politics, Houndmills/New York: Macmillan/Columbia UP 1977, his view,
in turn, builds on the “Grotian”
[9] Cf. Hoffmann, Bruce: Terrorismus, Der unerklärte Krieg, Neue Gefahren politischer Gewalt, Frankfurt/M.: Fischer 2001, pp.265ff (English title: Inside Terrrorism, London: Gollancz 1998)
[10] Cfl. Wheeler, Nicolas J.: Humanitarian
Intervention and World Politics, in: John Baylis/Steve Smith (eds),
The Globalization of World Politics, An Introduction to International
Relations, Oxford: OUP 1997, pp.391-408
Humanitarian
intervention. Cf. also the speech by Kofi Annan, quoted above.
[11] Maull, Hanns
W.: Amerikanische Außenpolitik an der Schwelle des 21.Jahrhunderts,
in: PIN, Politik im Netz, available through http://www.politik-im-netz.com/pin_ie.htm;
Heisbourg, Francois: American Hegemony? Perceptions
of the US Abroad, in: Survival, 41:4, (Winter 1999/2000), S.5-19
[12] This is Samuel Huntinton´s “third
wave” of democratisation; as the author predicted, it has been followed
by a reseverve wave, but also by consolidation of democratic transformations
in many instances. Samuel Huntington, The Third Wave, Democratization in the Late Twentieth Century, Norman and London:
University of Oklahoma Press 1991
[13] Cf. UNDP, Human Development Report,
various years. The UNDP human development index persistently shows
the dominance of industrialised
democracies.
[14] This distinction draws on the well-known
work of Cooper, Robert: Europe: the Post-Modern State and World Order,
in: New Perspectives Quarterly, Vol. 14 No. 3 (1997)
[15] An example for this decline may be
found in the evolution of Palestinian nationalism: Palestinians, which
in many ways represented a secular and strongly (if involuntarily)
modernised society, have more and more turned away from the old national
ideology of secular nationalism towards Islamic fundamentalism in
their struggle against Israel. While Israel ironically has actively
supported this shift through its early encouragement of Islamic movements
as a means to weaken the PLO, at the core of this shift lies the dismal
performance of Palestinian nationalist leaders, which has largely
discredited Palestinian secular nationalism.