In the Islamic world the right way to handle economic and social modernization has been the subject of controversy for quite some time. In contrast to Christian Europe, however, modernization does not automatically mean secularization, and social modernization does not necessarily provide a mechanism for separating religion and the state. On the contrary, the significance of Islam in the political and public life of the Middle East, North Africa, and various Asian countries has increased continuously since the 1970s.

The outward appearance and mode of existence of political Islam are extremely diverse and vary from country to country. The spectrum ranges from mass movements to splinter groups; from conventional parties to guerilla movements; from social to exclusively political organizations; and from religious brotherhoods to entrepreneurial associations. Differences and distinctions have developed historically, but occasionally they
may also be traced back to the impact of different schools of law or to influential leading figures who stand for tolerance and openness to the outside world, or on the other hand for fundamentalist radicalism. Despite
this diversity, few exponents of political Islam are prepared to accept European secularization as the dominant matrix of modernization, or to adopt the unmodified Western understanding of democracy, as well as Western notions of human rights, individual freedom, and women’s rights.

The fact that the Muslim world is unwilling to become like the West has caused a number of politicians across the political spectrum to doubt the possibility of peaceful and fruitful coexistence with Islamic countries and Muslim minorities. What is more, since the terrorist attacks in New York and Washington, Madrid and London, the existence of a global Islamist terrorist network is increasingly being used as evidence to prove a general offensive on the part of »Islam« against »the West.« Experts argue about whether the various facets of political Islam are particularly important or whether ultimately we are dealing with a uniform and dangerous phenomenon which must be ruthlessly opposed. As a result, Samuel P. Huntington, who ten years ago portrayed Islam as a danger to the West, has become more popular again.

The identification of the Muslim world with Islamic extremism is a generalization which suggests confrontations where none exist, and leads to polarizations where the relaxation of tensions and the development of good relations are called for. For Europe good relations with the Muslim world – and particularly with the Middle Eastern and North African states – are of considerable significance for at least three reasons: (i) conflicts and crises »right on its doorstep« directly affect the EU; (ii) European energy supplies depend to a significant extent on deliveries from the region; and (iii) relations between Europeans and the home region of their Muslim immigrants reverberate in relations between majority communities and immigrant communities. As matters stand, however, good relations with the Muslim world are not to be had without good relations with Islamists since they are key societal and political actors.

An important condition of a differentiated and stable policy of coexistence, cooperation, and reciprocity is a readiness to overcome clichés and to recognize the contradictory diversity of real processes. In the analyses in this issue of INTERNATIONAL POLITICS AND SOCIETY the focus is above all on the Middle East and North Africa. In his survey article, Holger Albrecht shows that Islamist organizations, which represent by
far the most important counter-elites in the Middle East, assume different roles and functions in the political systems of individual countries. In some authoritarian regimes they are part of the power structure, but usually they constitute the opposition and as such they might be integrated, tolerated, or suppressed. Albrecht comes to the conclusion that Islamism represents a much bigger challenge for the authoritarian regimes of the Middle East than for the West.

Florian Kohstall, Steffen Hertog, and Ferhad Ibrahim examine democratization and liberalization processes on the examples of Egypt, Saudi Arabia, and Jordan. In all three cases the scope and intensity of reforms have been limited by the incumbent regimes’ desire to retain power.

Michael Bröning’s analysis of West African Islam – which is traditionally more liberal, more peaceful, and less orthodox than the Arab version – represents something of a counterpoint. Of course, even in West Africa there are interreligious conflicts and the danger of »Talibanization« is not absolutely out of the question. However, peaceful coexistence between Christians, Animists, and Muslims seems possible in principle. In Mali and Senegal the institutional arrangements of »Islamic democracy« have proved their worth. And in Nigeria and the Ivory Coast, where political conflicts often take the form of interreligious conflicts, Muslim organizations have for the most part promoted de-escalation.

Henner Fürtig explains why military intervention in Iraq has not been able to build democracy. One of the most important reasons is the lack of a viable plan. The US strategy for the »democratic reconstruction« of Iraq has been based on trial and error. Its incoherence and frequent changes of direction have frustrated the advocates of democratization and played into the hands of opponents. Instead of relying on the urban middle class, the occupying forces put their hopes in exiled politicians and spiritual and tribal leaders. The reorganization of the institutional system and the appointment of officials took place along ethnic/confessional lines, which in the mean time have become deep trenches. Centrifugal forces now threaten to get the upper hand.

This issue also contains contributions regarding the problems of gender democracy in the Arab world, the origins of stereotypes of modern Islam, and the standpoint of the Hamas government in the Palestinian territories. Lale Akgün, the SPD parliamentary group’s spokesperson for Islam policies, demands that hostile stereotypes should be dismantled as a precondition for peaceful coexistence with Muslim fellow citizens.
Finally, to supplement the focus theme, we have an appeal by Thomas Palley for a new approach to analyze the link between trade, development, and poverty reduction.