[1 P. Chaadaev, ]Apologetics of
a Madman,[ Moscow, 1989, p. 148.
2 N. Berdyaev, ]
3 See, for example, G. Schopflin, N. Wood (eds.), ]
4 See, for example, S. De Spiegeleire, "Raspad: The Further Disintegration of
the Russian Federation and its Policy Implications for the West," Stiftung
Wissenschaft und Politik, Ebenhausen, February 1993.
5 The mass media constantly use the number 88, which can be explained by an
ignorance of geography. It is not clear how the number 88 came into use, but in
Russia now there are 21 republics, 49 oblast, 6 kray, 10 autonomous okrug and 1
autonomous oblast, which gives a total of 87.
6 North Ossetia was also the first region which unilaterally raised its status
to that of a Union Republic within the Russian Federation.
7 See, for example, "Russian Regions in the Period of Crises and Reform,"
]
8 More detailed information about the position of Tatarstan and Chechnya - see
footnote 11.
9 In the European part of Russia one notices an interesting but natural
phenomenon. "Rich" agricultural or industrial regions (Lipetzk, Belgorod
oblast, Krasnodar, Stavropol kray) showed much more independence than the
"poor" regions more strictly tied to Moscow. For example, Yaroslav oblast,
where the administration is composed entirely of "nomenclatura", nevertheless
preserved complete loyalty to the President during the August 1991 putsch.
Living on federal subsidies, this region can only survive with the help of the
Center. (]
10 The broad term "Center" means basically Moscow authorities: above all the
President and his team, as well as the parliament and the federal government.
After the disbanding of the parliament in October 1993, this term implies the
President and those most significant statesmen (for example, E. Gaydar, V.
Chernomyrdin, S. Filatov, S. Shakhray) who can influence the political
decisions and in spite of their discords work in one team.
11 Chechnya, led by General D. Dudaev, insisted on an immediate split from
Russia and in effect seceded, but its sovereignty was not recognized by the
international community. By contrast, Tatarstan conducted a very profitable
policy towards Russia. In fact, it demanded a special type of relationship -
"associative" relations. During the referendum held in Tatarstan in March 1992
most of the population voted in favor of independence. Having thus opened the
door, it then remained on the threshold and began to bargain with the Russian
Federation, trying to get as much as possible for its further presence within
Russia. These tactics were at least partially successful: Tatarstan almost
stopped contributing to the federal budget but continued to get finances from
the central authorities and Western investors, putting an end to the attempts
to control the allocation of these finacial resources. (In the past these
tactics were also used in Yakutia-Sakha and Bashkortostan.)
12 That is, a nation which gives its name to a particular autonomy.
13 The heads of republics and the heads of administrations expressed their
disappointment with the Federation Treaty in a joint declaration on 9 March
1993, which they put forward on the first day of the Eighth (extraordinary)
Congress of the People's Deputies. They stressed that the Treaty had not been
implemented in practice, thus rendering elaboration of the new constitution
senseless. They demanded the adoption of a special law concerning principles
and mechanisms of the realization of the Treaty. This law should have
determined the powers of the federal legislative, executive and legal bodies;
mechanisms of interaction of federal government bodies and the bodies of the
subjects of the Federation in the spheres of their exceptional and joint
competence; procedure of property delimitation between the Center and the
subjects; guarantees of economic rights of the subjects in the law-making
activity of the Supreme Soviet and legislative activity of the subjects; terms
and conditions of increasing the efficiency of the Council of Ministers and of
the executive bodies in the regions. A special chapter should regulate the
agenda for preparation and adoption of the new Constitution.
(]
14 ]
15 ]
16 This trend is proved by the creation of the Council of the Heads of the
Republics (Fall 1992), headed by the President. It was supposed to form a kind
of counterbalance to the Supreme Soviet, but actually contributed to the
further separation of the republics from the other regions.
17 The "first swallow" was an elaboration of the Constitution in the Siberian
Tomsk oblast (]
18 A majority of voters in 66 of Russia's 87 regions supported President
Yeltsin in the April referendum (]
19 ]
20 The analysis was carried out by the experts of the Institute of Geography
(Russian Academy of Sciences). See ]
21 Participants in the meetings of this body were the representatives of the
regions, political parties, public movements, trade unions, leading lawyers and
experts.
22 ]
23 This was proved in particular by the visit of President Yeltsin to
Yakutia-Sakha (18-19 June 1993). The President began to search for the support
of the republican elites from Sakha for three reasons. First, here he got more
than 70% of the votes at the April referendum; second, this republic is very
significant because of its natural resources (primarily diamonds); third, the
President of Sakha, M. Nikolaev, is more "pro-Yeltsin" than the other
republican leaders.
24 On 25 June, the day before the plenary meeting of the Constitutional
Assembly, the representatives of 42 regions signed a sharp declaration with the
demand to establish Russia as a ]
25 The first signs of this were the declarations of the Vologda and Ural
republics (the latter on 1 July). Primorije (Far East), Chelyabinsk, Tula,
Rostov oblast and Krasnoyarsk kray were ready to do the same. Moreover, the
leaders of Irkutsk oblast proposed to the leaders of Krasnoyarsk kray to unite
their territories and establish one republic. These regions belong to the
richest in Siberia and actually have much in common in economic terms
(]
26 ]
27 ]
28 For two years the Constitutional Commission has worked within the Supreme
Soviet on the draft of the new Constitution.
29 It was a certain move because practically all the members of the
Consitutional Commission worked also at the Constitutional Assembly.
30 For example, in Penza oblast the deputies rejected all the drafts of the
constitution except the "communist" one, proposed by the deputy of the Russian
Federation, J. Slobodkin (]
31 ]
32 ]
33 Up to the beginning of September the situation was the following: 43 regions
supported the idea of creating the Federation Council, 7 regions found it
reasonable but without participation of the federal authorities in the word of
a new body, several regions (the exact number was not determined) refused to
discuss the idea (]
34 See, for example, the interview with Senior Secretary of the Constitutional
Commission O. Rumyantsev and his deputy V. Sheinis
(]
35 At the beginning of September the leaders of seven regions of the centre of
Russia joined in Yaroslavl and adopted a resolution concerning the future
agenda of the Federation Council. Among the most urgent questions were setting
up an order in the banking system and in energy prices, and the problem of
state regulation of the economic complex (]
36 ]
37 The governor of the Far East region (Primorje) stressed even the possibility
of separating his region from Russia. Later the regional representatives in
both the Urals and the Far East regions met to discuss breaking away from the
Federation. (See ]
38 Russian sources published different data on the number of particpants in the
St. Petersburg conference: 39 regions were represented from which 27 signed the
final document (]
39 The activity of K. Ilyumzhimov is worth mentioning. In public opinion he had
a stable image as a supporter of Yeltsin and as the first head of the executive
power who had managed to abolish Soviets in Kalmykia. In spite of this he took
an openly anti-Yeltsin position, making a speech to the deputies of the
parliament and supporting A Rutskoj. Later he continued to affirm that "strict"
military measures were planned from the very beginning and the mechanism of
their use was carefully elaborated beforehand.
(]
40 ]
41 ]
42 Some of the regional leaders continued to believe that Yeltsin would return
to the idea of the Federation Council. "Yeltsin, whether he likes it or not,
still needs the Federation Council if he wants to make Russia a real federated
state," said Vice-President of Tatarstan, V. Likhachev (]
43 ]
44 The constitutent assembly of the "party of regions" took place in Nishznij
Novgorod in October 1993. 161 delegates from 53 regions took part in this
meeting. Besides S. Shakhray, the party includes, among others, Deputy Prime
Minister A. Schokhin, the President's adviser S. Stankevitch, and the Prime
Minister of Buryatia V. Saganov. The party stands for "traditional" values,
embodied in the slogan "Family, Property, Motherland". The economic policy of
the "party of the regions" intends a tax reform in favor of the regions and
address-oriented regional and social policy. The main drawback which will
probably hinder the party from getting more seats in the State Duma is the lack
of its mass media.
In addition, there is a certain danger in the party's strong "nationalistic"
bias. One of its leaders, R. Abdulatipov, is the former chairman of the Chamber
of Nationalities in the Supreme Soviet of the RF. He repeatedly stresses the
uniqueness of Russia and the necessity of its Eastern orientation. The program
of the party is not free of contradictions. For example, it is not yet clear
how the supporters of the party will combine traditional Russian values, one of
which has always been centralism, with federal ideas. See
]
45 ]
46 The trouble spots for Moscow were Novosibirsk, Bryansk and Amur oblast,
where the President dismissed old governors and appointed new people.
Nevertheless, these new people could not gain real authority because they were
supported neither by the population nor by the local elites or "force"
structures (]
47 Already in the beginning of Fall the problem of non-payment of taxes had
become extremely acute. More than 30 regions unrightfully reduced their
"tribute" to Moscow. The passive reaction of the Ministry of Finance created
the impression in the regions that these activities were legitimate. The most
"active" and firm non-payers are the Siberian regions and Tatarstan,
Baschkortostan and Yakutia-Sakha republics (See ]
48 ]
49 The name Federation Assembly is chosen to distinguish this upper chamber of
the parliament from the Federation Council, the body formed by regional
leaders. In Russian the Federation Assembly and Federation Council have the
same name.
50 On 12 November the deputies for the Federal Assembly were not promoted in
Moscow, Chita oblast and Aga-Buryat national okrug. Chechnya, the 89th subject
of the Federation, refused to organize elections (]
51 ]
52 Basically, the opponents affirm that the constitution has been created too
quickly (although it took over three years) and in complete secrecy. They also
complain that this document fits only present political leaders. As soon as
these figures are removed from Russia's political scene, they argue, the need
for such a constitution will disappear as well. (]
53 See, for example, V. Lafitsky, "What will a cruel politician do to Russia?",
]
54 See, for example, A. Kibrik, "Without waiting for agony," ]
© Friedrich Ebert Stiftung
| technical support | net edition
ola | August 1997